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Competition and the aggrandizement of rulers is represented by high-status burials, such as Cemetery T at Naqada, whose graves were even larger, contained more grave goods and had larger, internally divided rooms. Unequal distribution of wealth is also often an indicator of social inequality.
The two cultures that seem to have characteristics of social inequality were the Mesopotamian Ubaid (6500-3800 BCE) and Egyptian Badarian (5000-4000 BCE) cultures. During this time, many other cultures in the Near East had adopted agriculture and began to live in villages.
Research shows that, compared to most poor countries, Egypt’s income inequality was low at this time, was not worsening, and its poverty rate was actually falling. Egypt is a prime case of what the World Bank calls “the [Middle East and North Africa (MENA)] inequality puzzle.”
But the fact that the index declined over time seemed inconsistent with the notion that the Egyptian revolt was the result of rising inequality of opportunity that boiled over in January 2011. Closer examination revealed a different trend, one that is more consistent with this proposition.
The earliest evidence for social inequality come from southern Mesopotamia and southern Egypt (i.e., Upper Egypt). The two cultures that seem to have characteristics of social inequality were the Mesopotamian Ubaid (6500-3800 BCE) and Egyptian Badarian (5000-4000 BCE) cultures.
Figure 1. Distribution of the Ubaid culture in the 6th and 5th millennium BCE
Figure 2. An object found in a Badarian grave, which can be used to distinguish differences between graves and burial goods
What appears to have happened is that these two regions in southern Mesopotamia and Egypt developed social inequality through preferential treatment of given individuals or elites. Then, these societies began to both become influential in the wider region.
Social inequality does not seem to be a natural development in many parts of the word, where often we see societies are often configured differently into more egalitarian structures, although there might be differences in status among individuals. However, major differences between individuals are first noticeable in southern Mesopotamia and Egypt.
Extending the conventional household expenditure and income surveys to capture top incomes has raised the Gini index of inequality up by as much as 15 points, but this does not challenge Egypt’s relative position based on standard surveys.
Thanks to pioneering work by John Roemer, we can actually measure this type of inequality, known as inequality of opportunity, as the share of inequality in a specific outcome—education or income—explained by circumstances beyond a person’s control, such as gender, ethnicity, and family background, to total inequality.
For this plausible generalization, the Egyptian revolt of January 2011 is a puzzle. Research shows that, compared to most poor countries, Egypt’s income inequality was low at this time , was not worsening, and its poverty rate was actually falling.