Document A: Albert Beveridge: “In Support of an American Empire” Summary: Albert Beveridge was a Senator from the state of Indiana that supported the annexation of the Philippines. Beveridge, in this piece, argues that it is the duty of the United States, ordained by God, to improve the condition of the Filipino race. Beveridge also argues that the United States would benefit due to the strategic location of the Philippines, it being in the Pacific and near to China, as well as its rich resources. Beveridge sees the annexation of the Philippines as an obligation of the American people.
Full Answer
Senator Beveridge's speech on the Philippines reflects an era of American imperialism in the Pacific. MR. PRESIDENT, the times call for candor. The Philippines are ours forever, "territory belonging to the United States," as the Constitution calls them.
During the period, Cuba was experiencing a humanitarian crisis and the US intervened by attacking Spain in April 1898, quickly acquiring Cuba, the Philippines and Puerto Rico. However, in the Philippines, it took a long and brutal war to quell mounting internal rebellion.
Contextually, the approaching elections were his country’s short term preoccupation. In the long term, the preoccupation was whether the new territories would be annexed to America. Beveridge wanted even more territories to be annexed after the Philippines.
MR. PRESIDENT, the times call for candor. The Philippines are ours forever, "territory belonging to the United States," as the Constitution calls them. And just beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets. We will not retreat from either. We will not repudiate our duty in the archipelago.
Summary: Albert Beveridge was a Senator from the state of Indiana that supported the annexation of the Philippines. Beveridge, in this piece, argues that it is the duty of the United States, ordained by God, to improve the condition of the Filipino race.
Beveridge is known as one of the most prominent American imperialists. He supported the annexation of the Philippines and, along with Republican leader Henry Cabot Lodge, campaigned for the construction of a new navy.
What does Albert Beveridge say about governing people without their approval? He explains that we govern many people without their consent (children, land, the Indians) and that the people of the Philippines would prefer a just, human, civilizing government.
"Fellow-citizens," called Beveridge, "It is a noble land that God has given us; a land that can feed and clothe the world; a land whose coast lines would inclose half the countries of Europe; a land set like a sentinel between the two imperial oceans of the globe; a greater England with a nobler destiny" (1).
December 10, 1898In Paris on December 10, 1898, the United States paid Spain $20 million to annex the entire Philippine archipelago. The outraged Filipinos, led by Aguinaldo, prepared for war.
The British, French, and Japanese also sought bases in the Philippines. Unaware that the Philippines were the only predominantly Catholic nation in Asia, President McKinley said that American occupation was necessary to "uplift and Christianize" the Filipinos.
Schurz believes that instead of using force, the United States could have supported Philippine independence and it still would have been able to obtain trade with Asia.
I answer: Out of local conditions and the necessities of the case methods of government will grow. If England can govern foreign lands, so can America. If Germany can govern foreign lands, so can America. If they can supervise protectorates, so can America.
Beveridge particularly delivered the speech to preach the general acceptance of United States imperialism. Invoking God several times in his speech, Beveridge encouraged his audience to accept imperialism as a supernatural and national duty to take to make the country better.
what arguments does Beveridge give for the expansion of the American empire? One argument is that the government of law replaced the double reign of anarchy and tyranny. Treaty at the end of the Spanish-American War withdrawing U.S. troops from Cuba, establishing Guantanamo military base.
U.S. victory in the war produced a peace treaty that compelled the Spanish to relinquish claims on Cuba, and to cede sovereignty over Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines to the United States. The United States also annexed the independent state of Hawaii during the conflict.
Which of the following best describes the Filipino reaction to becoming a territory of the U.S.? Filipinos, led by Emilio Aguinaldo rebelled against the U.S. troops unsuccessfully.
Senator Beveridge's speech on the Philippines reflects an era of American imperialism in the Pacific. MR. PRESIDENT, the times call for candor. The Philippines are ours forever, "territory belonging to the United States," as the Constitution calls them. And just beyond the Philippines are China's illimitable markets.
Those who complain do so in ignorance of the real situation. We attempted a great task with insufficient means; we became impatient that it was not finished before it could fairly be commenced; and I pray we may not add that other element of disaster, pausing in the work before it is thoroughly and forever done. That is the gravest mistake we could possibly make, and that is the only danger before us. Our Indian wars would have been shortened, the lives of soldiers and settlers saved, and the Indians themselves benefited had we made continuous and decisive war; and any other kind of war is criminal because ineffective. We acted toward the Indians as though we feared them, loved them, hated them - a mingling of foolish sentiment, inaccurate thought, and paralytic purpose. . . .
Different forms for different islands will produce perpetual disturbance because the people of each island would think that the people of the other islands are more favored than they. In Panay I heard murmurings that we were giving Negros an American constitution. This is a human quality, found even in America, and we must never forget that in dealing with the Filipinos we deal with children.
And administration is as high and holy a function as self-government, just as the care of a trust estate is as sacred an obligation as the management of our own concerns. Cain was the first to violate the divine law of human society which makes of us our brother's keeper. And administration of good government is the first lesson in self-government, that exalted estate toward which all civilization tends.
The Philippines give us a base at the door of all the East. Lines of navigation from our ports to the Orient and Australia, from the Isthmian Canal to Asia, from all Oriental ports to Australia converge at and separate from the Philippines.
The Declaration of Independence does not forbid us to do our part in the regeneration of the world. If it did, the Declaration would be wrong, just as the Articles of Confederation, drafted by the very same men who signed the Declaration, was found to be wrong. The Declaration has no application to the present situation. It was written by self-governing men for self-governing men. It was written by men who, for a century and a half, had been experimenting in self-government on this continent, and whose ancestors for hundreds of years before had been gradually developing toward that high and holy estate.
No! No! The ocean unites us; steam unites us; electricity unites us; all the elements of nature unite us to the region where duty and interest call us. There is in the ocean no constitutional argument against the march of the flag, for the oceans, too, are ours.
The Philippines government continued to send regular delegations to Washington to meet with Congress concerning independence.
This was decided from the start. Hawaii, which had been Americanized by whalers and missionaries in the early 19th century and first negotiated an annexation treaty in 1854 under Kamehameha III - Wikipedia, was organized in 1900 as a Organized incorporated territories of the United States - Wikipedia, the status used for mainland North American territories planned for eventual statehood.
1897 murders in China, led to Boxer Uprising Contemporary German depiction of the Juye Incident. Bloodstained undershirt of Franz Xaver Nies. Roadside marker at the site of the incident. The Juye Incident ( Chinese : 曹 州 敎 案 or 巨 野 敎 案 ; pinyin : Cáozhōu Jiào'àn or Jùyě Jiào'àn , German : Juye Vorfall ) refers to the killing of two German Catholic missionaries , Richard Henle and Franz Xaver Nies , of the Society of the Divine Word , in Juye County Shandong Province, China in the night of 1–2 November 1897 ( All Saints' Day to All Souls' Day ). [1] A third missionary, Georg Maria Stenz , survived the attack unharmed. The mission compound where the incident took place was located in Zhang Jia Village ( simplified Chinese : 张 家 庄 ; traditional Chinese : 張 家 莊 ; pinyin : Zhāng Jiā Zhuāng , spelled "Tshantyachuang" in writings by Georg M. Stenz), [2] about 10 km northeast of the town of Juye and about 25 km northwest of the city of Jining . Georg M. Stenz was the priest stationed in Zhang Jia Village and the other two missionaries, Henle and Nies, had come to visit him. [3] Stenz describes the events of the incident as follows: [4] Before they went to bed shortly before midnight, the missionaries had practiced the Requiem Mass (Miseremini mei) for the following All Souls' Day. Stenz had given his room to his guests for the night and had moved into a vacant porter's room himself. Believing the area to be quiet, the missionaries did not take any precautions and Stenz left the door to his room unlocked. A band of twenty to thirty armed men [5] broke into the mission compound shortly after the missionaries had gone to bed. They broke the door to the room where Henle and Nies were staying and killed the two missionaries. Both victims were found to have suffered numerous wounds from stabbing and both were dead shortly before midnight. The attackers searched for Stenz, but could not find him. They retreated when the local Chinese Christians arrived at the scene to help. It is not certain who committed the killings, but it is most commonly assumed that the attack was launched by members of the Big Swords Society . [6] Stenz blamed the attack on the warden of a neighboring village (Cao Jia Zhuang, spelled "Tsaotyachuang" by Stenz and located about 10 km to the south of Zhang Jia Village) and believed that the attack was rooted in a dispute between the warden and comparatively wealthy relatives who had converted to Christianity and had therefore refused to pay for local temple feasts. [7] Less than two weeks after the Juye Incident, the German Empire used the murders of the missionaries as a pretext to seize Jiaozhou Bay on Shandong's southern coast. Under German threats , the Qing government was also forced to remove many Shandong officials (including governor Li Bingheng) from their posts and to build three Catholic churches in the area (in Jining , Caozhou , and Juye) at its own expense. [8] The mission that had been attacked also received 3,000 taels of si
U.S. Supreme Court cases about the status of U.S. territories acquired in the Spanish–American War The Insular Cases are a series of opinions by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1901, about the status of U.S. territories acquired in the Spanish–American War , and the periods shortly thereafter. [1] When the war ended in 1898, the United States had to answer the question of whether or not people in newly acquired territories were citizens, a question the country had never faced before. The preliminary answer came from a series of Supreme Court rulings, now known as the Insular Cases, which responded to the question of how American constitutional rights apply to those in United States territories. The Supreme Court held that full constitutional protection of rights does not automatically (or ex proprio vigore —i.e., of its own force) extend to all places under American control. This meant that inhabitants of unincorporated territories such as Puerto Rico —"even if they are U.S. citizens "—may lack some constitutional rights (e.g., the right to remain part of the United States in case of de-annexation). [2] Today, many legal scholars refer to the Insular Cases as a constitutional justification for colonialism and annexation of places not within United States boundaries. [3] The Insular Cases "authorized the colonial regime created by Congress, which allowed the United States to continue its administration—and exploitation—of the territories acquired from Spain after the Spanish–American War ." [4] These Supreme Court rulings allowed for the United States government to extend unilateral power over these newly acquired territories. The Court also established the doctrine of territorial incorporation, under which the Constitution applied fully only in incorporated territories such as Alaska and Hawaii. Incorporated territories are those that the U.S. Federal Government deems on a path to statehood. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court ruled the Constitution applied only partially in the newly unincorporated Puerto Rico, Guam and the Philippines . The Supreme Court created the distinction that unincorporated territories were not on the path to statehood, which effectively allowed for the Constitution to apply differently. [5] The term "insular" signifies that the territories were islands administered by the War Department 's Bureau of Insular Affairs . Today, the categorizations and implications put forth by the Insular Cases still govern the United States' territories. Background In 1898, the United States signed the Treaty of Paris (which entered into force on April 11, 1899), which ended the Spanish–American War and granted the United States the Philippines , Puerto Rico , and Guam . Additionally, Cuba remained under the jurisdiction of the United States Military Government until its independence on May 20, 1902. Since there was nothing in the United States Constitution about governing newly acquired territories, the government used the guideline from Titl
The Great Rapprochement is a historical term referring to the convergence of diplomatic, political, military, and economic objectives of the United States and the British Empire from 1895 to 1915, the two decades before American entry into World War I . The convergence was noted by statesmen and scholars of the time, but the term "Great Rapprochement" to refer to a distinct historical phenomenon may have been coined by the American historian of Anglo-American relations Bradford Perkins in his 1968 study of the period, The Great Rapprochement: England and the United States 1895–1914 . Perkins attributes the convergence to growing imperial ambitions in the United States , British withdrawal from the Western Hemisphere to focus on its African colonies and naval threat from the German Empire , and American industrialization and integration into the global financial economy. Background American Anglophobia American sentiment towards England and the British Empire was harshly negative for much of the 19th century. Enmity between the two nations, largely driven from the American side, had peaked amid the American Civil War and the Trent affair . After 1872 and the settlement of the Alabama claims , direct hostilities declined. However, other incidents, such as the Murchison letter and disputes over borders and fishing rights between America and British Canada, stoked continued American popular resentment toward the British. Americans considered Britain their "natural enemy" and "prime villain," though acknowledged closer cultural and political affinity than with mainland European nations. [2] American industrialization The fundamental socioeconomic distinctions between the agrarian and isolationist United States and the industrialized British Empire rapidly diminished after 1865. The United States emerged from the Civil War as a major industrial power with a renewed commitment to a stronger federal government as opposed to one ruled by individual states, permitting engagement in imperial expansion and economic globalization. The post-war Reconstruction era therefore generated or expanded Anglo-American geopolitical and commercial networks. [3] 1895 Venezuelan boundary dispute In 1895, former United States ambassador to Venezuela William Lindsay Scruggs , working as a lobbyist for the Venezuelan government, published British Aggressions in Venezuela: The Monroe Doctrine on Trial , claiming that Britain sought to expand their territorial claim in British Guiana to incorporate the Orinoco River watershed. [4] The Republican Congress, led by Senator Henry Cabot Lodge , called for a vigorous American enforcement of the Monroe doctrine. President Cleveland and Secretary of State Richard Olney acquiesced, adopting the Olney interp
Sulu and Manila were too distant to be considered core regions of the empire, and as time went by, the reshuffling of power in the region further widened the divide between Nusantara and Philippine polities.
Parts of the Philippines might very well have been part of Nusantara — the Indonesian geopolitical and cultural sphere — in the past. The Majapahit Empire, a vast maritime-based state centered on Java, extended its reach as far north as Manila at one point.
Contextually, the approaching elections were his country’s short term preoccupation. In the long term, the preoccupation was whether the new territories would be annexed to America. Beveridge wanted even more territories to be annexed after the Philippines. His stand was that the values of the American Revolution were not contradictory to the policy of annexation and the views of those living in the annexed territories. To him, the colonised were inferior people who couldn’t enjoy the values of American Revolution in equal measure to the Americans. This was a flat rejection of the notion of equality (paragraph 8-10). The constitution should not follow the flag- i.e. the annexed territories shouldn’t enjoy the constitutional entitlements of his country’s constitution.
Beveridge calls it “rules of liberty … self-government.”
Beveridge’s third argument centres on racial superiority. He alludes to the “blood” (paragraph 2) and evokes the feeling of power associated as evidenced by the virility of the country’s “multiplying people.” In his view, the increase in American population is sue to their virility and is not related to immigration: this illustrates the mythic approach that America gives to its problems. President Roosevelt would pose as an energetic and virile man on several occasions. This cult of force, power and energy suggests a Darwinian twist in Beverigde’s ideas.
Through the speech, Beveridge put forward the idea that the US was obligated to extend civilization to the conquered territories as a key platform for bolstering American economic strength.