Jul 22, 2013 · Which of the following is an example of a land intensive commodity A chemicals B from ECON 230 at Johnson County Community College. ... Which of the following is an example of a land intensive commodity A chemicals B. ... productive efficiency occur among nations due to their endowments of various factors. If there is a difference in endowments ...
may limit the extent to which a nation specializes in producing a particular product. results in straight-line production possibilities curves rather than curves that are bowed outward from the origin. applies to land-intensive commodities but not …
C. each nation must face constant costs in the production of the good it exports. D. one nation's production must be labor-intensive while the other nation's production is capital-intensive. B. each nation must be able to produce at least one good relatively cheaper than the other.
Land Use Intensity/Density Tutorial. Dwelling Units Per Acre. Dwelling units per acre is determined by dividing the total number of single-family detached homes, or dwelling units within townhouse subdivision or apartment building on a site, by the amount of site acreage. For example: On a parcel of land 6 acres in size with density of 3 DU/AC
The IMF classifies 51 countries as “resource-rich.”. These are countries which derive at least 20% of exports or 20% of fiscal revenue from nonrenewable natural resources. 29 of these countries are low- and lower-middle-income.
The idea that resources might be more of an economic curse than a blessing began to emerge in debates in the 1950s and 1960s about the economic problems of low and middle-income countries. However in 1711 The Spectator wrote "It is generally observed, that in countries of the greatest plenty there is the poorest living", ...
However, when the gas began to flow out of the country, its ability to compete against other countries' exports declined. With the Netherlands' focus primarily on the new gas exports, the Dutch currency began to appreciate, which harmed the country's ability to export other products. With the growing gas market and the shrinking export economy , the Netherlands began to experience a recession. This process has been witnessed in multiple countries around the world including but not limited to Venezuela ( oil ), Angola ( diamonds, oil ), the Democratic Republic of the Congo ( diamonds ), and various other nations. All of these countries are considered "resource-cursed".
The resource curse, also known as the paradox of plenty or the poverty paradox, is the phenomenon of countries with an abundance of natural resources (such as fossil fuels and certain minerals) having less economic growth, less democracy, or worse development outcomes than countries with fewer natural resources. There are many theories and much academic debate about the reasons for, and exceptions to, these adverse outcomes. Most experts believe the resource curse is not universal or inevitable, but affects certain types of countries or regions under certain conditions.
Another possible effect of the resource curse is the crowding out of human capital; countries that rely on natural resource exports may tend to neglect education because they see no immediate need for it. Resource-poor economies like Singapore, Taiwan or South Korea, by contrast, spent enormous efforts on education, and this contributed in part to their economic success (see East Asian Tigers ). Other researchers, however, dispute this conclusion; they argue that natural resources generate easily taxable rents that can result in increased spending on education. However, the evidence for whether this increased spending translates to better education outcomes is mixed. A study on Brazil found that oil revenues are associated with sizable increases in education spending, but only with small improvements in education provision. Similarly, an analysis of early-20th century oil booms in Texas and neighboring states found no effect of oil discoveries on student teacher ratios or school attendance. However, oil-rich regions were more likely to participate in the Rosenwald schoolbuilding program. A 2021 study found that European regions with a history of coal mining had 10% smaller per-capita GDP than comparable regions. The authors attribute this to lower investments in human capital.
The term resource curse was first used by Richard Auty in 1993 to describe how countries rich in mineral resources were unable to use that wealth to boost their economies and how, counter-intuitively, these countries had lower economic growth than countries without an abundance of natural resources. An influential study by Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew ...
A 2011 study in the journal Comparative Political Studies found that "natural resource wealth can be either a “curse” or a “blessing” and that the distinction is conditioned by domestic and international factors, both amenable to change through public policy, namely, human capital formation and economic openness.".
1 In the preface to the first German edition, in which Marx talks about the method he uses in this chapter, he refers to the commodity form as the cell form: "Moreover, in the analysis of economic forms neither microscopes nor chemical reagents are of assistance. The power of abstraction must replace both. But for bourgeois society, the commodity-form of the product of labor, or the value-form of the commodity, is the economic cell-form. To the superficial observer, the analysis of these forms seems to turn upon minutiae. It does indeed deal with minutiae, but so similarly does microscopic anatomy." Capital, Vol. I, p. 90.
His elucidation, therefore, is divided into two parts, the first elaborates his previous analysis of useful labor, the second deepens his previous analysis of abstract labor, or the substance of value. The former elaboration has been much less controversial than the second.
At first, Marx suggests that use-values only “provide the material for a special brand of knowledge, namely the commercial knowledge of commodities”. (5) Similarly, in A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, he wrote that use-values “do not express the social relations of production” and that “use-value, as such, lies outside the sphere of investigation of political economy. It belongs in this sphere only when it is itself a determinate form.” (6) Despite these comments, throughout his writings we discover that use-value has many “determinate forms”, which do express distinct social relations—and are often contested. Even before he published Capital, while analyzing how some product can be directly reinvested, Marx notes how this is an example of the importance of “the analysis of use-value for the determination of economic phenomena”. Here, in Volume I, use-value expresses “value” (see Section 3 below); labor-power has varying use-values (Chapters 6 & 7 ); the manipulation of use-value is one way of cheating workers/consumers ( Chapter 10 ); machines, besides their use in making things, also serve to control workers ( Chapter 15 ). Many years later, in his “Marginal Notes on Adolph Wagner” (1879), Marx explicitly rejects as “drivel” that use-value has no place in his analysis beyond being one aspect of the commodity. Besides the value of a commodity being represented in the use-value of another, he also points out that “behind use-value is useful labor, one aspect of the twofold character of labor which produces commodities” (see Section 2 below) and “surplus value itself is derived from a 'specific' use-value of labor-power [see Chapter 7 below] . . . etc., etc.” He concludes: “for me use-value plays an important part quite different from its part in economics hitherto.” (8) Use-value, therefore, is worth considering at some length.
The money form differs from the general form only in so far as the universal equivalent has become fixed by social custom into some one commodity. Once this happens, the universal equivalent functions as money and we have the money form.
To return to barter, the implied em>equivalence, accepted by the exchangers, cannot lie in the use-values of the items exchanged because they are qualitatively different and have quite different use-values. Nor can it lie in the concrete useful labor that produced them because those labors were also quite distinct. In his example of 1 quarter of corn = x cwt of iron, cultivating and harvesting labor is obviously quite different from mining and smelting labor even if both extract something usable from the earth. So, what is the source of equivalence perceived by the exchangers?
The answer to the defect of the expanded form is implicit in that form. While the expanded form appears as a natural extension of the simple form, because the equivalent chosen in the simple form is arbitrary, the general form emerges from a reversal in perspective. When A is exchanged against B, C, D, those commodities express the value of A. But it is also true that B, C, D and so on are being exchanged for A. Consequently, A, viewed as equivalent, expresses the value of B, C and D, etc. This gives a common expression for the value of all commodities, namely xA. We now have a potentially infinite list, but one that is no longer fragmentary because all commodities are linked through a common or general expression of value in A .
This fourth section has a strange relationship with the three sections that precede it. Whereas those three exposit a theory of the value of labor to capital and explore many of its aspects, the arguments in this section critique what has just been laid out for failing to explicitly situate commodities as moments of a set of social relationships. Although throughout this section Marx refers only to the social relationships of commodity producing society, he also makes clear that the only fully developed one is capitalism. (56)
Empire. Empire’s Tracks is the culmination of the years of research, writing, and theorizing that came after.
The backlash against the events of September 11, 2001 was being played out in countless racist and xenophobic attacks upon Muslims and South Asians; FBI and INS raids, detentions, deportations; surveillance of community-based organizations and places of worship.
In November 1968, the Black Student Union and Third World Liberation Front went on strike at San Francisco State University. One year later, in November 1969, a group of Native people and their comrades commenced a 19-month occupation of Alcatraz.