The life course perspective is a sociological way of defining the process of life through the context of a culturally defined sequence of age categories that people are normally expected to pass through as they progress from birth to death.
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By Ashley Crossman. Updated on October 27, 2019. The life course perspective is a sociological way of defining the process of life through the context of a culturally defined sequence of age categories that people are normally expected to pass through as they progress from birth to …
Sep 11, 2018 · Sociology of the life course is a sophisticated theoretical paradigm designed to understand human lives. Four key assumptions guide life course scholars’ theoretical and empirical work: (1) lives are embedded in and shaped by historical context; (2) individuals construct their own lives through their choices and actions, yet within the constraints of …
Jan 01, 2015 · The life course perspective is a theoretical model that has been developing over the last 40 years across several disciplines. It is intended to look at how chronological age, common life transitions, and social change shape people’s lives from birth to death. Sociologists, anthropologists, social historians, demographers, and psychologists ...
The concept of the life course refers to the social processes shaping individuals’ journey through life, in particular their interaction with major institutions associated with the family, work, education, and leisure. The life course perspective distinguishes between trajectories on the one side and transitions on the other.
Sociology of the life course is a sophisticated theoretical paradigm designed to understand human lives. Four key assumptions guide life course scholars’ theoretical and empirical work: (1) lives are embedded in and shaped by historical context; (2) individuals construct their own lives through their choices and actions, ...
The specific foci of life course studies range from social psychological outcomes such as stress, self-esteem, occupational values, and cognitive complexity to family roles, marital and fertility patterns, educational and occupational attainment, retirement, and deviance. Although many life course scholars typically specialize in one developmental ...
The author calls for the creation of a “developmental science” that highlights the importance of age and age structuring, generation and cohort, and social contexts. In doing so, he highlights the distinctive perspectives that sociologists and psychologists bring to the study of human lives.
This edited volume provides information on diverse methodologies used in life course research, including behavioral genetic analysis, cross-national and historical comparisons, and a range of qualitativ e ( life story, ethnography, diary) and quantitative (hierarchical growth, latent class, and group-based trajectory model) approaches.
Life course research is interdisciplinary, incorporating concepts from sociology, history, psychology, demography, gerontology, child development, ...
This concise volume provides an excellent overview of the key themes of life course sociology, with chapters dedicated to general principles as well as specific life course stages and outcomes. It has not been revised since 1986 , however, so empirical studies—especially those on work and family patterns—are outdated.
Textbooks. Because of its expansive and inherently interdisciplinary nature, life course sociology is not currently well served by text books. Rather, most undergraduate college courses—such as Sociology of Childhood and Adolescence, or Social Gerontology—are designed to investigate one stage of the life course.
The life course perspective is a theoretical model that has been developing over the last 40 years across several disciplines. It is intended to look at how chronological age, common life transitions, and social change shape people’s lives from birth to death. Sociologists, anthropologists, social historians, demographers, ...
The second strength of the life course perspective is the emphasis that it places on the interdependence of human lives and the ways in which relationships both support and control an individual’s behavior. First of all, I believe that parents’ and children’s lives are linked. Support for this idea is seen in Elders 1974 research on children of the Great Depression as well. He found that as parents experienced greater economic pressures, they faced a greater risk of depressed feelings and marital discord. Therefore, their ability to nurture their children was compromised, and their children were more likely to exhibit emotional distress, academic trouble, and problem behavior.
In 1994, Glen Elder identified four dominant themes in the life course approach: 1) interplay of human lives and historical time, 2) timing of lives, 3) linked or interdependent lives, and 4) human agency in making choices. The literature for these themes is reviewed below, along with two other related themes that Elder and Michael Shanahan have recently identified as important: 1) diversity in life course trajectories and 2) developmental risk and protection.
Age-graded differences (formal social organizations based on age) in roles and behaviors are the result of biological, psychological, social, and spiritual processes. It should be noted however, that life course scholars have not directly addressed the issue of spiritual age.
Men’s and women’s life pathways have started to become more similar, but this is primarily because women’s schooling and employment patterns are moving closer to men’s, and not because men have become more involved in the family domain (Sattersten and Lovegreen,1998).
The first weakness or limitation of the life course perspective is the failure to adequately link the individual and family lives to social institutions and formal organizations. Although it does place emphasis on linked lives and interdependence as one of the core themes, it does not have clear evidence to prove the link to macro systems. By not being able to do this effectively I think that they have left out a component that plays a part in determining human behavior.
These advantages include the greater attention to the impact of historical and social change on human behavior, the emphasis on linked lives, and the acknowledgement of people’s strength and their capacity for change.
The concept of the life course refers to the social processes shaping individuals’ journey through life, in particular their interaction with major institutions associated with the family, work, education, and leisure. The life course perspective distinguishes between trajectories on the one side and transitions on the other.
Life course approaches emphasize the way in which individual trajectories and transitions are linked to the lives of significant others, with the interdependency of generations being one such example. The idea of families having ”interlocking trajectories” was first explored in the work of the American sociologist Glenn Elder, most notably in his Children of the Great Depression (1974). This study illustrated how delays in the parents’ timing of work and family careers as a result of the economic depression of the 1930s affected the subsequent timing of their children’s own life transitions. Another example of the ”linked lives” phenomenon has been illustrated in research on grandparenting that examines situations where grandparents take responsibility for raising grandchildren. Silverstein et al. (2003) view this as an example of ”mutual interdependency” within the family, with grandparents adopting new parental roles and parents excused from the main responsibilities associated with parenting. In this way, the researchers suggest, the family can be seen as a group of interlocking individuals who continually adapt both to their own needs and to those of others within the family system.
Life course research has also underlined the variability of expectations and patterns of support, with patterns of generational assistance shaped by values and experiences that evolve throughout life. Hareven and Adams (1996) demonstrate this point from research in the US examining how the premigration history of different ethnic groups influences expectations of support in later life. They demonstrate how older cohorts tend to emphasize support from family members; younger cohorts, in contrast, tend to stress help from social and welfare programs. They further note the way in which the earlier life course experiences of each cohort, as shaped by historical events, also affect the avail ability of economic and educational resources and support networks.
The life course approach has been highly influential in research on the family life of older people, with the idea of linked lives demonstrating how expectations about giving and receiving support are part of a continuing interaction among parents, children, and other kin over their lives as they move through time (Hareven 2001). Although the growth of individualism may have loosened kinship ties to a degree (Beck & Beck Gernsheim 2004), relationships between generations continue to be important in the family life of older people (Phillipson et al. 2001). The work of Attias Donfut and Wolff (2000) in France has highlighted the role of the ”pivot” (middle age) generation in pro viding economic support to young people on the threshold of adulthood, as well as providing flexible forms of care for the older generation as need arises. Generations have also been shown to provide emotional support for one another at different points of the life course. Research in the US has tracked feelings of emotional closeness and support across generations and found that emotional closeness stayed stable over a period of nearly two decades, with the maintenance of strong levels of affectual solidarity across generations, with adult children both pro viding and receiving help from mothers and fathers.
The role of family relationships within the life course is likely to undergo further modification with the experiences of new cohorts influenced by wider social and historical change.
The idea of time is a central element in the concept of the life course. Hareven (1982) identifies three different levels of ”time” running through the life course of any individual: familial, individual, and historical. Family time refers to the timing of events such as marriage which involve the individual moving into new family based roles such ...
The life course is itself now stretched over a longer period of time, given substantial improvements in life expectancy in most western countries. Associated with this have been significant changes in family life over the past century. For example, current cohorts of older people experience a far longer period of ”post parental” life than was ...
However, socialization continues throughout the several stages of the life course, most commonly categorized as childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age . Within each of these categories, scholars further recognize subcategories, such as early adolescence and late adolescence, early adulthood and middle adulthood, and so forth.
Adulthood is usually defined as the 18–64 age span. Obviously, 18-year-olds are very different from 64-year-olds, which is why scholars often distinguish young adults from middle-age adults. In a way, many young adults, including most readers of this book, delay entrance into “full” adulthood by going to college after high school and, for some, then continuing to be a student in graduate or professional school. By the time the latter obtain their advanced degree, many are well into their 30s, and they finally enter the labor force full time perhaps a dozen years after people who graduate high school but do not go on to college. These latter individuals may well marry, have children, or both by the time they are 18 or 19, while those who go to college and especially those who get an advanced degree may wait until their late 20s or early to mid-30s to take these significant steps.
Old Age. This stage of the life course unofficially begins at age 65. Once again, scholars make finer distinctions—such as “young-old” and “old-old”—because of the many differences between people who are 65 or 66 and those who are 85, 86, or even older.
Marriage and parenthood are “turning points” in many young adults’ lives that help them to become more settled and to behave better than they might have behaved during adolescence.
In one important finding, only about 55% of children aged 3–5 and not in kindergarten had a family member read to them daily. This figure varied by income level. Only 40% of children in families below the poverty level profited in this way, compared to 64% of children whose families’ incomes were at least twice as high as the poverty level.
Life-course sociology aims to understand the evolution of life courses primarily as the outcome of institutional regulation and social structural forces. Lifespan psychology views development across the life span primarily as changes of genetically and organically based functional capacities and as behavioral adaptation.
Huinink, J. (1995). Education, work, and family patterns of men: The case of West Germany. In H.-P. Blossfeld (Ed.), The new role of women: Family formation in modern societies (pp. 247–262). Boulder: Westview Press. Google Scholar
The life course refers to the social phases we progress through, throughout our lives. Traditionally, these were seen as quite fixed, especially for women (who would be expected to be dependent on their parents until being married, at which point they would be dependent on their husbands and bear and rear children).
However, the personal life perspective, suggested by Carol Smart among others, suggests that increasingly individuals are able to make choices about their life course: to try and plan it and make choices for it.
The way people’s personal life changes through their life course is a key element of family diversity too, as most people live in several family forms and household structures through their lives. Sociology.
The life course approach, also known as the life course perspective or life course theory, refers to an approach developed in the 1960s for analyzing people's lives within structural, social, and cultural contexts. The origins of this approach can be traced back to pioneering studies of the 1920s such as Thomas' ...
theorized the life course as based on five key principles: life-span development, human agency, historical time and geographic place, timing of decisions, and linked lives.
Life span refers to duration of life and characteristics that are closely related to age but that vary little across time and place. In contrast, the life course perspective elaborates the importance of time, context, process, and meaning on human development and family life (Bengtson and Allen 1993).
The primary factor promoting standardization of the life course was improvement in mortality rates brought about by the management of contagious and infectious diseases such as smallpox. A life course is defined as "a sequence of socially defined events and roles that the individual enacts over time".
However, socialization continues throughout the several stages of the life course, most commonly categorized as childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age . Within each of these categories, scholars further recognize subcategories, such as early adolescence and late adolescence, early adulthood and middle adulthood, and so forth.
The five milestones that define adulthood, Henig writes, are “completing school, leaving home, becoming financially independent, marrying, and having a child ” (Henig 2010). These social milestones are taking longer for Millennials to attain, if they’re attained at all. Sociologists wonder what long-term impact this generation’s situation may have on society as a whole.
This stage of the life course unofficially begins at age 65. Once again, scholars make finer distinctions—such as “young-old” and “old-old”—because of the many differences between people who are 65 or 66 and those who are 85, 86, or even older. Chapter 12 “Aging and the Elderly” is devoted entirely to this period of the life course. Here we will just indicate that old age can be a fulfilling time of life for some people but one filled with anxiety and problems for other people, with social location (social class, race and ethnicity, and gender) once again often making a considerable difference. These problems are compounded by the negative views and even prejudice that many Americans have toward old age and toward people who are old. Because we all want to be old someday, the discussion of aging and the elderly in Chapter 12 “Aging and the Elderly” should be of special interest.
In one important finding, only about 55% of children aged 3–5 and not in kindergarten had a family member read to them daily. This figure varied by income level. Only 40% of children in families below the poverty level profited in this way, compared to 64% of children whose families’ incomes were at least twice as high as the poverty level.