Protective factors are individual and environmental attributes that are associated with positive adjustment and development throughout the course of life-threatening conditions and cultural situations (Lopez, Pedrotti, and Snyder, 2019).
Protective factors are those conditions that lead to a higher likelihood of positive outcomes – the things we typically want for our tamariki and rangatahi. This involves a subtle but important shift in thinking.
A life-course developmental perspective addresses the sequencing of events across an entire lifetime and also accounts for intergenerational influences.
Taken together, developmental/life-course theories and developmental/life-course research can still be considered to be in its relative infancy compared with more-traditional criminological theories such as social bonding (Hirschi, 1969) and social learning (Akers, 1973) theories.
This article describes the Life Course Health Development (LCHD) framework, which was created to explain how health trajectories develop over an individual's lifetime and how this knowledge can guide new approaches to policy and research.
Glen Elder theorized the life course as based on five key principles: life-span development, human agency, historical time and geographic place, timing of decisions, and linked lives.
Risk FactorsDomainProtective FactorsEarly Aggressive BehaviorIndividualSelf-ControlLack of Parental SupervisionFamilyParental MonitoringSubstance AbusePeerAcademic CompetenceDrug AvailabilitySchoolAnti-drug Use Policies1 more row
Health development is an adaptive process composed of multiple transactions between these contexts and the biobehavioral regulatory systems that define human functions.
Protective factors are conditions or attributes of individuals, families, communities, and the larger society that mitigate risk and promote the healthy development and well-being of children, youth, and families. Put simply, they are the strengths that help to buffer and support families.
Protective Factors to Promote Well-Being and Prevent Child Abuse & NeglectProtective Factor 2: Knowledge of parenting for child and youth development. ... Protective Factor 3: Parental Resilience. ... Protective Factor 4: Social connections. ... Protective Factor 5: Concrete supports for parents.More items...
The life course health development (LCHD) framework organizes research from several fields into a conceptual approach explaining how individual and population health develops and how developmental trajectories are determined by interactions between biological and environmental factors during the lifetime.
Abstract. A life-course perspective is applied to the study of human development in ecological context. Three meanings of age (developmental, social, and historical) represent key elements of this perspective and depict lives in terms of aging, career, and historical setting.
A person's physical and mental health and wellbeing are influenced throughout life by the wider determinants of health. These are a diverse range of social, economic and environmental factors, alongside behavioural risk factors which often cluster in the population, reflecting real lives.
For Moffitt ( 1993 ), adolescent-limited offenders' delinquent criminal activity is a result of two factors: social mimicry and the maturity gap.
The peak age of onset of offending is between 8 and 14, and the peak age of desistance from offending is between 20 and 29. An early age of onset predicts a relatively long criminal career duration. There is marked continuity in offending and antisocial behavior from childhood to the teenage years and to adulthood.
Similarly, other individuals may commit crime at one developmental phase of the life-course and desist from crime in this same developmental phase; others may continue to participate in crime in several developmental phases of the life-course before desisting at some point later in life (if at all).
The life course perspective, a valuable theoretical framework for investigating racial disparities in birth outcomes, examines the cumulative exposure of risk and protective factors throughout the life span.
Vol. 1 No. 3 (2020): ENGAGE! Co-created knowledge serving the public good
Copyright (c) 2020 Abraham Salinas-Miranda, Lindsey King, Hamisu Salihu, Roneé Wilson, Susan Nash, Sarah Collins, Estrellita Berry, Deborah Austin, Kenneth Scarborough, Evangeline Best, Lillian Cox, Georgette King, Carrie Hepburn, Conchita Burpee, Richard Briscoe, Julie Baldwin
Protective factors are at the positive end of the risk ‘spectrum’, so whereas poor family interactions increase risk, a family environment rich in positive interactions is protective. 10.
This involves a subtle but important shift in thinking. Risk factors increase the probability of a particular outcome, rather than causing it in a deterministic way. We already know this in some areas; for example, whilst smoking is a risk factor for lung cancer, not everyone who smokes develops lung cancer.
The balance between the number of risk and protective factors tamariki experience increases the likelihood of a good or a poor outcome. 28 Genes play a part, but experience influences the way in which they are expressed. High numbers of risk factors, with few protective factors, lead to a greater likelihood of adverse outcomes. 29 Conversely, the more protective factors there are during children’s early years, and the fewer risk factors, the more likely it is that tamariki grow up into the wonderful adults they are meant to be.
The ‘biopsychosocial ecological model’ attempts to look in a comprehensive way at the many factors impacting on children’s development. The child themselves, their parents, whānau, and wider social, political, and cultural contexts, all operate in a reciprocal way. 2 For example, while parents’ interactions affect their child’s development, the child’s behavioural development, associated with their brain growth, also affects the developing relationship. 3
A few words about genes might be useful at this point. Genes contain a set of possibilities, but how they are expressed can be influenced by the experiences a child has, 17 which helps the child adapt to their particular environment. 18 A child’s genetic makeup may add risk or protective qualities.
Examples include poverty, parental depression, toxic parental stress, family conflict or violence, emotional neglect, and alcohol and other drug use in pregnancy.
While evidence-based knowledge is an excellent thing, single studies, or even bodies of research on a particular topic, can ever only tell part of the complex story of infant and child development. 1 With apologies to Alexander Pope, a little research can be a dangerous thing, especially when it is taken out of context.
You can be signed in via any or all of the methods shown below at the same time.
Previous empirical inquiries into the etiology of juvenile sex offending have been largely atheoretical. Consequently, a call for studies conducted utilizing developmental and life-course (DLC) criminological theory has been made to better understand the onset, development, risk, and protective factors of juvenile sex offending.
Although this body of research has been an important step toward understanding the correlates and criminal careers of these young offenders, far less research has examined the unique predictors of the age of onset for juvenile sexual offending.
DLC theories emerged as a prominent perspective in the 1990s by criminological researchers who believed that the risk and protective factors for offending, and the resultant criminal career patterns, are not the same for all individuals ( Farrington, 2003; Loeber & LeBlanc, 1990 ).
The purposive selection of the DLC theoretical framework emphasizes the developmental aspect of offending, and unique relationships between psychological, biological, social, parental, and peer influences that may influence onset of offending at different ages.
The data set utilized in this study was retrieved from the Florida Department of Juvenile Justice (FDJJ), following approval from the lead author’s university institutional review board.
To determine whether, and to what extent, DLC theoretical predictions regarding risk factors for early versus adolescent offending can be generalized to JSOs, the analysis proceeds in three stages.
This figure illustrates how risk reduction strategies can mitigate the influence of risk factors on the developmental trajectory, and how health promotion strategies can simultaneously support and optimize the developmental trajectory.
An enormous body of life course research describes individual developmental trajectories (life pathways) in accordance with the sequence, impact, and cumulative influence of life events on a range of outcomes from childbearing to transition into and out of the workforce.
The timing of experiences during physiologically sensitive periods, the relationship of health development to externally defined social transitions, and the synchronization of developmental events and transitions are likely to play an important role in health development.
Using recent research from the fields of public health, medicine, human development, and social sciences, the LCHD framework shows that. Health is a consequence of multiple determinants operating in nested genetic, biological, behavioral, social, and economic contexts that change as a person develops.